By Bruce E. Cain
Specialists on political illustration, vote casting rights, and the election strategy debate the main pertinent problems with electoral reform and investigate them within the context of the Founders' imaginative and prescient of illustration and minority rights. Mark E. Rush and Richard L. Engstrom speak about the guarantees and pitfalls of electoral reform--specifically, the benefits of changing from the conventional single-member district to a few type of proportional illustration. The authors research the shortcomings of the prevailing equipment of elections (such as gerrymandering, low turnout, voter apathy, and underrepresentation of minorities and women), debate the advantages of changing to proportional illustration, ask no matter if it's going to deal with the imperfections of the present method, and examine the level to which proportional illustration adheres to the Founders' (particularly Madison's) plan for illustration. With an creation by means of esteemed political scientist Bruce E. Cain, this is often a necessary textual content for classes in vote casting rights and behaviour, elections, and American political notion.
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The adjacent districts, in turn, are said to be “bleached,” or overwhelmingly white or Anglo, and therefore fertile territory for Republican candidates. In many settings Republicans became proponents of increasing the number of majority-minority districts. Republicans were regularly accused of favoring these districts, not because the districts would benefit minorities, but because the plans containing them would benefit Republican candidates. This partisan consequence of majority-minority districts was viewed by many as virtually axiomatic—more majority-minority districts would result in the election not only of more minority candidates but also of more Republicans.
Richard Engstrom argues that the time is right for a reexamination of the rules. He believes that substituting semi-PR rules—that is, cumulative, limited, and preference voting—for the current SMP rules is the most efficacious means of extricating state and local jurisdictions from an increasingly complex and legally tangled political thicket. But still, the reader might ask, why now? The fundamental importance of the choice between majoritarian and proportional rules has been understood and debated for over a century.
DeGrandy 1994; Davis v. Bandemer 1986). In cases proceeding under Shaw, however, plaintiffs alleging racial gerrymandering do not need to convince judges that the “special harms” identified in O'Connor's opinion in fact occur. Just the threat that such harms might occur is sufficient for the Court. A plaintiff challenging a districting plan therefore only needs to claim that the plan “rationally cannot be understood as anything other than an effort to separate voters into different districts on the basis of race, and that the separation lacks sufficient justification” (Shaw v.
Fair and Effective Representation? by Bruce E. Cain