By Melvin J. Hinich
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Additional resources for Ideology and the Theory of Political Choice
The issues must be truly separable, in voters' utility functions, so that their preference for one of the goods is independent of the level they expect to receive of all others. 2. a. Explicit account of the tax distribution and cost of public goods must be made, and must be part of citizen choices. There must be some linkage between taxes and prices of private goods. b. The mapping from policy choice to public policy outcome must be (almost) constant or linear. Criteria for a Theory of Representation In discussing the state of our knowledge of the representation of citizen choice, we must conclude that this work is not yet at the same level as that for consumer choice.
The model Downs propounds appears, on its face, to be easily formalizable, a function of the difference between the utilities associated with the two candidates, the costs of participating, and the likelihood that one vote will influence the outcome. We choose to present a more familiar form of the rational model, from Riker and Ordeshook (1968). 1) where, for each voter: I. Some exceptions are Burnham (1965); Kelley, Ayres, and Bowen (1967); and Cox and Munger (1989). 2. The argument has repeatedly been made that voters' best guide to what a candidate will do is what he has done.
Is the "combinations" operator. C(N, NI2) is the number of possible outcomes that are ties, or where V9 = V", 42 Ideology and the Theory of Political Choice = N/2. )] = 252 possible tie outcomes. 246. That is, in an electorate of ten, there is approximately one chance in four that a rational voter will believe her vote will influence the outcome, assuming the polls predict a dead heat ex ante, and that each of the voters is in fact equally likely to vote for either candidate. 019 X 10- 251 • This number, which has 251 zeroes between the decimal and the "19," has another name.
Ideology and the Theory of Political Choice by Melvin J. Hinich