By STANLEY KELLEY
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Extra resources for INTERPRETING ELECTIONS
I just like him"). 3 Finally, one cannot be sure how a good many responses relate to the real world of politics. " It is possible that some voters who responded in this way thought, incorrectly, that Johnson opposed medicare. If so, it is obviously wrong to attribute their votes to Johnson's actual stand on the issue. It may even be wrong to attribute their votes to Johnson's stand as they perceived it. Of course false beliefs can motivate voting, but they may also be projec tions—baseless attributions of the voters' own positions to a candidate that the voter favors for other reasons.
Roosevelt Franklin D. Roosevelt Franklin D. Roosevelt Franklin D. 0 1952 1956 1964 1972 1980 Dwight D. Eisenhower Dwight D. Eisenhower Lyndon B. Johnson Richard M. : Congressional Quarterly, 1977); and New York Times, January 6, 1981. Figures for candidates' share of the potential vote are based on Walter Dean Burnham's estimates of participation in presidential elections. : 1975); those for elections since 1968 he kindly provided me. NOTE. This table includes all elections since 1828 in which the winning can didate received at least 53 percent of the popular vote or won 80 percent of the electoral vote or carried 80 percent of the states.
Maybe because voters' likes and dislikes are the reasons for their choices, and motives are usually good indicators of actions. A third objection challenges any such conclusion directly by suggesting that voters' expressions of likes and dislikes may be mere rationalizations. Clearly, they could be: A voter might say that he liked a candidate's stand on an issue, for in stance, when in fact he cared only about the candidate's party or religion. Moreover, if likes and dislikes were in fact mere rationalizations, they might predict voting, and might appear to explain it, nearly as well as genuine motives.
INTERPRETING ELECTIONS by STANLEY KELLEY