By G. Williams Domhoff
In accordance with new archival examine, G. Williams Domhoff demanding situations well known conceptions of the 1930’s New Deal. Arguing in its place that this era was once considered one of expanding company dominance in govt affairs, affecting the destiny of yankee staff as much as the current day. whereas FDR’s New Deal introduced sweeping laws, the tide grew to become fast after 1938. From that 12 months onward approximately each significant new fiscal legislation glided by Congress confirmed the mark of company dominance. Domhoff accessibly portrays records of the Committee’s important effect within the halls of presidency, supported via his interviews with numerous of its key staff and trustees. Domhoff concludes that during phrases of financial effect, liberalism used to be on an extended regular decline, regardless of twenty years of post-war starting to be equality, and that paradoxically, it was once the successes of the civil rights, feminist, environmental, and gay-lesbian movements-not a brand new company mobilisation-that ended in the ultimate defeat of the liberal-labour alliance after 1968.
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Additional resources for Myth of Liberal Ascendancy: Corporate Dominance from the Great Depression to the Great Recession
I thank my research assistants of twenty-five years ago, Robert Bulman and Bristow Hardin, now well established in their own careers, for the work they did on lobbying and campaign donations by members of the Committee for Economic Development. In closing, I want to pay special thanks to Dean Birkenkamp of Paradigm Publishers for his support and friendship over the years, and especially for his many excellent editorial suggestions throughout this project. Introduction THE MYTH OF A POSTWAR LIBERAL-LABOR ASCENDANCY Once upon a fairly recent time, according to a widely known American fairy tale, the United States was a liberal nation, thanks to the New Deal that emerged from the Great Depression and the Kennedy and Johnson administrations in the 1960s.
Strikingly, the turmoil and division both within the unions and in their alliance with liberals are downplayed by some of the new revisionists. They do so by noting that the 1968 and 1972 elections happened “smack in the middle of the great ‘bulge’ of government activism that runs from, roughly, 1964 to 1977,” a sure sign to them that the liberal-labor alliance was still on the march despite its internal problems (Hacker and Pierson 2010, p. 96). They thereby position themselves as the iconoclasts that dismiss the “colorful, easy to tell, and superficially appealing” narrative about a white backlash in the 1960s because it “misses the real story” (Hacker and Pierson 2010, pp.
They also led a majority of Americans to adopt more tolerant and accepting attitudes on a variety of issues, resulting in a decline in racial prejudice, more acceptance of women in educational and work settings, and a decrease in the persecution of homosexuals (Page and Shapiro 1992). However, these successes, won against great odds and in the face of frequent threats and violence, do not support the idea of a liberal-labor ascendancy. Instead, the victories for the civil rights movement were first and foremost the product of the social solidarity of African Americans themselves, sometimes with the support of white college students, who usually defined themselves as radicals or leftists, not liberals.
Myth of Liberal Ascendancy: Corporate Dominance from the Great Depression to the Great Recession by G. Williams Domhoff