By Teresa Hayter
During this re-creation of Open Borders, Teresa Hayter assesses the impression of the expanding severity of border controls when you consider that they have been first brought and makes the debatable case for his or her abolition. Hayter specializes in postwar immigration controls, specially using such controls opposed to the peoples of former eu colonies and East Europeans, and their results on asylum seekers. She examines the new historical past of eu coordination of border controls and the proposal of ‘Fortress Europe’. Hayter argues that the life of controls results in nice anguish and abuse of human rights, and that immigration controls are racist and aid valid racism. She demonstrates that immigration controls have truly had a constrained effect on controlling numbers. to demonstrate her arguments, she attracts on empirical fabric, specially from Britain within the Nineteen Eighties and Nineties, touching on particularly to using detention, arbitrary decision-making and the denial of advantages. She compares British executive regulations with regulations somewhere else in Europe and demands the loose move of individuals and the abolition of border controls. the recent variation brings this seminal paintings modern with a long preface exploring how the practices of the British govt during the last few years has persevered the method Hayter outlines more often than not textual content – of abusive and irrational border controls and the criminalisation of whole groups. This moment variation additionally updates the bibliography and record of campaigning teams, and ends with a brand new manifesto for a global without borderlines, mentioning 'no one is illegal!'
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Extra resources for Open Borders: The Case Against Immigration Controls, Second Edition
After the war the British Labour government initially saw unemployment as a continuing problem and a justification for restrictionist immigration policies. It came to realise that a ‘labour shortage’ was imminent which might cause breakdowns in public transport and the health services. Nevertheless, after setting up a working party in 1948 to consider, among other things, the question of Jamaican unemployment and British labour shortages, the government decided not to organise large-scale immigration of non-white colonial workers on the grounds that they would be difficult to ‘assimilate’.
The current situation in Britain is that the many millions of foreigners who are nationals of the European Union or who have British parents or grandparents are free to enter and settle in Britain. Others are not. The former are mainly white, the latter often black. Non-discrimination would imply either imposing the same restrictions on Europeans and white British Commonwealth citizens as are imposed on other foreigners, or allowing virtually free entry to all. But even on the unlikely supposition that immigration controls ceased to discriminate on mainly racist grounds between foreigners, they would still discriminate against foreigners in general, as opposed to natives.
Many did not, for lack of money or sometimes from personal choice. The third major world migration was of Europeans to America and Australia, which began in the eighteenth century and reached its peak in the first decade of the twentieth century. 6 million to Canada, and 36 million to the United States. Other Europeans migrated to parts of Central and southern Africa. They did so for a variety of reasons, ranging from destitution to a desire for adventure. The experience was in many ways a positive one for the migrants, although its positive aspects have sometimes been exaggerated, for example in the mythology of enterprise, freedom and prosperity in the United States.
Open Borders: The Case Against Immigration Controls, Second Edition by Teresa Hayter