By Eric J. Evans
The subject matter of Professor Evan's booklet is the expansion of a recognizable glossy social gathering approach from the a lot looser and infrequently family-based attachments of the eighteenth century. He examines the importance of the phrases 'Whig' and 'Tory' within the later eighteenth century and the expansion of a celebration aligment among 1788 and 1812 - a interval during which battle was once a significant component in polarization. He discusses the years of Tory hegemony lower than Liverpool and the decline of the autonomous member, after which takes as his major subject matters the transition from Whigs to Liberals and from Tories to Conservatives within the interval of 1830-46 which observed loads quandary either with political reform and with social questions. He additionally examines the colossal progress of political organisations. Professor Evans is going directly to take care of the anomaly that although the Tory get together was once shattered through the corn legislations difficulty, the next interval to 1867 observed an expanding significance being connected to occasion allegiance. He additionally discusses the waning energy of the Crown, the starting to be significance of basic elections, and diverse components of divergence among events. even if the emphasis of this booklet is unavoidably thematic, a company experience of chronology is often maintained.
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Additional info for Political Parties in Britain 1783-1867 (Lancaster Pamphlets)
The social background of MPs supporting the two party groupings reveals interesting variations. Between 50 and 60 per cent of both Tory and Whig MPs were either themselves, or were closely related to, large landowners. Among MPs with a commercial background, however, roughly twice as many Whigs were found as Tories. The Tories had a roughly equivalent advantage in the not unimportant category of retired army and navy officers. In some respects, as we shall see, differences in social composition were more marked between the parties than were differences in policy.
The decline of the monarchy was also hastened by personal factors. George III’s influence was weakened by recurrent mental instability after 1788, and he ceased to function at all after 1810. The Prince Regent inspired almost no respect in political circles, being reputed vindictive and licentious, lazy, unpredictable and lacking in judgement. He was precisely the wrong man to shore up monarchical influence at a time when its direct power was waning. Liverpool’s ministers learned that they could brave his fits of temper and outbursts of outrageousness with very little loss to themselves.
Our large towns and . . put that power into the hands of the people themselves’. His definition of ‘the people themselves’ was fairly exclusive. Most people who paid rates directly in the 1830s were middle class and Cobden anticipated an invigorating struggle between contending propertied groups. He would not significantly have dissented from the expectation of his political opponent, Robert Peel, that ‘the management of Municipal affairs’ should be entrusted to ‘those who from the possession of property have the strongest interest in good government, and, from the qualification of high character and intelligence, are most likely to conciliate the respect and confidence of their fellow citizens’.
Political Parties in Britain 1783-1867 (Lancaster Pamphlets) by Eric J. Evans