By Bernard Grofman
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Additional info for Race and Redistricting in the 1990s
The remainder of this chapter investigates the implications of these issues. How often does the collective action problem affect the African-American community’s efforts to elect a black to Congress, either by allowing a white to defeat a divided black field or by permitting swing white voters to determine the type of substantive representation that the black community receives? This fits our theoretical formulation of the collective good as the election of a black to Congress. With many collective action problems, individuals derive identical levels of benefits from the provision of the public good.
TABLE 5(C) Percentage of Majority African-American and Non-Majority AfricanAmerican Districts that Elected African-American Congressional Representatives in the South and Non-South in 1990 Percent Majority Black Districts Electing AfricanAmerican Legislators South Alabama Arkansas Florida Georgia Louisiana Mississippi N. Carolina S. 9 ELECTING MINORITY -PREFERRED CANDIDATES TO OFFICE 21 TABLE S(C) (continued). 0 Ohio TABLE 6(A). Percentage of Majority African-American and Non-Majority AfricanAmerican Districts that Elected African-American State House Members in the South and Non-South in 1992 Percent Majority Black Districts Electing AfricanAmerican Legislators South Arkansas Florida Georgia Louisiana Mississippi N.
2 The first section of the chapter assesses the goals of racial redistricting and explores the impact of the collective action problem on prospects for attaining those goals. Next we examine the pervasiveness of the collective action problem and describe how it has helped produce a shift from “traditional” black leadership-leaders who had their roots in the civil rights movement and in the: African-American community they would represent-to more centrist, “new style” leaders who work more closely with whites in mainstream politics.
Race and Redistricting in the 1990s by Bernard Grofman